Facing the Kremlin's new ideology for the first time, it seems like a poor set of alogisms. "But when the eye gets used to the darkness, you begin to distinguish between well-known and not new constructive elements that allow to classify this concept as one of the latent varieties of "racial theories", wrote in his long article Volodymyr Pastukhov, Ph.D. in Political Science, senior research associate at University College London.
He explained why he made this conclusion.
Superiority of the Russian nation
The Russian nation is given the features of a unique subject of history, which is second to none. This thesis has two vectors: internal and external. Internal involves the recognition of the indisputable priority of the nation over the individual. External involves the recognition of the unconditional superiority of the Russian nation over other nations and peoples.
Inferiority of other nations
Only the Russian nation is capable of creating a full-fledged sovereign state. The Kremlin refuses this ability to the vast majority of other nations because it sees them only as a "proxy" for the United States. Particularly inferior in this context is Ukraine, since its statehood, according to the Kremlin, is artificial and exists solely due to external support.
Presence of a real enemy
According to Kremlin ideologues, the Russian nation has a blood enemy — the Anglo-Saxons. But the Anglo-Saxons are a mythical category. Modern Britons and Americans are Normans who once scattered and assimilated the Anglo-Saxons, but who cares about such details.
The projection of the Anglo-Saxons inside Russia is the "fifth column" that now has been transformed from a political to an ethno-cultural category: all those who are mentally close to the Anglo-Saxons.
Ukraine as the Holy Grail
The Kremlin gives special mythical importance to control over Ukraine. The thesis of the impossibility of the existence of the Russian Empire, if it does not include Ukraine, which has never been rationally justified by anyone, is accepted as an unconditional axiom and is fundamental in all geopolitical constructions of the Kremlin.
Right to war
The presence of a sacred goal is a self-sufficient justification for war as a means to achieve this goal. This is mixed with motives in the manner of Dostoevsky: Whether I am a trembling creature or whether I have the right? In the Kremlin's mind, "I can" means both "I have the right" and "I must." The militarism of the new ideology is not a necessity, but a manifestation of the essence.
Narrative of war normality
The vindication of war as the most effective tool for achieving foreign policy goals is a natural continuation of the philosophy of violence. The apocalyptic and mythological narrative that war is inevitable anyway, as the United States will launch it in order to prevent its inevitable financial and moral bankruptcy, stimulates its own militarism and even the desire to start first in order to obtain some illusory advantages.
The smashing success of militaristic propaganda, which is observed in Russia today, is not accidental and not momentary.
It became possible only due to the fact that the Kremlin actually received a full-fledged and perfect "ideological weapon of mass destruction." The ideology of Russian hypernationalism was able to unite the Kremlin elite not externally, but internally, not by fear, but by faith.
"I consider that a significant part of Putin’s entourage is really affected by this virus, and what we are seeing is not pretense or cynicism, but a kind of collective ecstasy of members of a semi-religious order," said Pastukhov.
The expert warns that this new ideology will become increasingly important in political decision-making in the future. Accordingly, the militancy and aggressiveness of the regime will only increase. He will strive to fill with himself all the spaces that circumstances leave free for him until he bumps into another force that he could not overcome.